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日治前牛稠溪流域發展之研究 Research on the Development of Niu-Ch''ou River Basin Before 1895
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| 作者 |
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黃阿有 |
| 學校系所 |
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國立成功大學歷史學系碩博士班 |
| 地點 |
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全臺 全部
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| 研究內容 |
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[ 摘要 ]
十五、六世紀左右，牛稠溪流域中、下游低地為多竹林之稀樹草原群系，上游為樟櫟群叢之森林群系。不管居丘陵或低地者，皆為以漁獵及原始自給式燒墾農作為生之部落社會。十七世紀，平原之語族，主要屬排灣第一分群之羅阿族，但與第二分群之文化具過渡性；丘陵則屬鄒語族。
平埔族農耕方式已較進步，但因天然及人為制約人口成長之因素多，人口密度仍極低；中葉以後，因漢人漸增，其鹿場、社地縮減，宗教、服飾也漸受到漢人影響。十八世紀時，雖然清廷並不鼓勵、甚而還壓制漢人移民，但平埔族之社地仍日漸流失，生活方式也面臨變或遷的考驗。至十九世紀，平埔族語言、習俗漸失，雖然如此婦女仍堅持其髮式、不纏足，男人不喜農耕也較少抽鴉片。
十七世紀本區開始有漢墾庄，核計清領前，本區約有32個庄有漢人入墾，另有8處軍屯區。清領以來至康熙末，再入墾100個漢庄，雍正、乾隆年間，再增墾76庄。大致在十八世紀末，約九成七之街庄已有漢人入墾。顯示以本區而言，縱然清初採用渡臺禁令，但對防堵漢人之移民不具成效。
十九世紀，西部平原發展出「內路」、「外路」兩條縱貫大道，諸羅城居「內路」之要衝，向海通至笨港又扼外路之咽喉，故十八世紀以來，諸羅城成為兵家必爭之地。因諸羅城戰略地位特別重要，以致成為歷次大型民變攻防戰必爭要地，戰禍對街庄及附近鄉庄之破壞很大，使本流域在十九世紀社會特別動蕩不安。
此外，本文亦由漢移民鄉貫別各時期之地域分布，發現漢移民之鄉貫別地域分布：「泉外、漳內、潮近山」現象，在鄭氏時並未出現，清領後至康熙末以前，因海埔地之增墾，則已出現此現象。故「移民先後」、「原鄉生活方式」、「械鬥後遷居」三種因素，皆無法用以解釋本區移民鄉貫分布之特色。本區在移民之初，為增加墾庄內之內聚力，主神較多地方較不普遍之神明，雍、乾後，為增加新增墾庄間之共識，主神則較多原鄉地方普遍性之神明。
關鍵詞：語族、漢墾庄、內(外)路、鄉貫
[ 英文摘要 ]
In the 15-16th centuries, the lower plains of middle and down streams of the Niu-Ch’ou River Basin were occupied by savanna biome with high clump of bamboos, while the upstream areas forested with Lauro-Fagaceæ association. The aborigines living both in the coastal areas and inlands of the Chiayi region were all hunter-horticulturalists. In the 17th century, the aborigines Lloa of PaiwanicⅠ ethnolinquistic groups lived in the plane area and Tsou ethnolinquistic groups occupied the upper valley of the Basin.
Although the agricultural techniques were better than ever, population growth of the Plains aborigines were limited by both natural and artificial factors. With a population growth of Han immigrants in the area, the Plains aborigines lost their hunter land and living space gradually. In the 18th century, although Ch’ing’s rulers prohibited the immigration, Plains aborigines were still losing their living cultures.
There were some Chinese villages in the 17th century and by the start of Ch’ing’s rule, it was estimated that there were 32 Chinese villages and 8 garrisons. Land developer villages grown to 100 in 1683-1722, and 76 added in 1723-1795. In the end of the 18th century, approximately 97% of the villages had Han developers. This revealed that the quarantine policies in the early Ch’ing rule didn’t work well.
In the 19th century, Chu-lo City became an important role as a civil and military administrative center for controlling both the inner and outer routes in the western plain of Chiayi area. The vicinity of Chu-lo City had been a battle field for a long time, and the settlements were bothered and partially destroyed by the rebellions or governmental armies. This might be among the main reasons for the upset of the Chiayi region in the 19th century.
The Three-band pattern of ethnically segregated settlement, i.e., Ch’üan-chou settlers predominated along the coast, Chang-chous on the inland plains, and Hakkas in hilly areas, did not appear until 1722 in the Niu-Ch’ou River Basin. Hence, the phenomena of temporal priority of settlement, the occupations of migrants in their native prefectures, or the outcome of communal strife could not be used to explain this ancestral registration of distribution in the Niu-Ch’ou River Basin. The temple gods of Chinese Land developer villages were not popular ones before the early Ch’ing. However, popular gods increased for increasing connections among same ancestral registration after 1722.
Key words：Ethnolinquistic groups, Chinese land developer villages, Inner (Outer) routes, Ancestral registration
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